Every election cycle in Ghana, the opposition chants the same line: “Power is transient, the tables will turn, our time is coming,” and so on. These are comforting rallying cries.
But 32 years into the Fourth Republic, the evidence suggests otherwise. I hold the view that power is not transient. It only evolves and revolves around the same system, with a change in actors. This is not a new observation. It is a political theory, and it is playing out in real time.
Let us examine the elite theory — “Elites change, the structure does not” — developed by two Italian sociologists, Vilfredo Pareto and Gaetano Mosca, in the late 19th century.
Vilfredo Pareto argued that in every society, power is held by a small “circulating elite.” One elite is displaced and another takes its place, but the class of elites never disappears.
Gaetano Mosca then added that the ruling class always justifies itself with a “political formula” — in our case here in Ghana, development, the fight against corruption, or the protection of democracy — to legitimise its rule.
Applying these two theories to Ghana, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC) can be viewed as two wings of the same governing elite. When one falls, the other rises. The presidency, Parliament, MDAs, contracts and patronage networks remain intact. Only the actors change.
For instance, when the NDC government came into office after the December 2024 elections, the NPP went into opposition. Immediately, the narrative shifted to “defending our own.” The NPP has staged multiple demonstrations, citing “arbitrary arrest, detention and harassment” of its members by state agencies.
In August 2026, the NPP held the “Democracy Under Attack” demonstration in Accra, marching from the Supreme Court to Jubilee House. The party alleged “selective justice” and the “criminalisation of free speech” through the prosecution of more than 45 politicians, journalists and commentators.
Specific cases cited included the arrests and prosecution of former Ashanti Regional Chairman Bernard Antwi Boasiako, popularly known as Chairman Wontumi; Bono Regional Chairman Kwame Baffoe, also known as Abronye DC; and some social media commentators sympathetic to the NPP.
On the other side, clashes continue at the grassroots. In October 2024, an NPP-NDC clash in Mamobi left nine people injured. In July 2025, violence during the Ablekuma North rerun saw NPP stalwart Hawa Koomson assaulted.
The pattern is clear. Party loyalists are mobilised to defend, attack and demonstrate. But the most important question to ask is: Who benefits when the dust settles?
After taking part in demonstrations, engaging in social media verbal wars, participating in fierce traditional media debates and even engaging in fisticuffs, comes the disappointment of the “ordinary man” — a term I use advisedly.
Out of the thousands who march, tweet, rant on TikTok, risk injury or face prosecution, only a few hundred who are closer to the kingmakers will get something to do. Then those with godfathers and godmothers will secure DCE positions, board appointments or contracts.
The majority — the “ordinary man” — return to the same conditions, or even worse.
The hike in fuel prices will affect the little income they struggle to make. They will get to their bus terminals, or “trotro” stations, only to face a scarcity of vehicles and literally fight their way into one. That is the daily routine for the “ordinary man.”
The promise is always “jobs, prosecution of the corrupt, roads, hospitals and a stronger economy.” However, the reality is the “evolution of elites.” Leaders, once in office, prioritise maintaining the system over the original goals of the masses.
Vilfredo Pareto would call this the “circulation of elites.” The NDC elite replaces the NPP elite. The policies, bureaucracy and incentives of the state remain. Campaign promises to prosecute “perceived corrupt past appointees” often fade because the new elite now relies on the same system to govern. A few alleged corruption cases may make it to the courts, one may result in a conviction, while the rest can drag on until the next election.
The youth who turn out in large numbers for demonstrations are told, “Power is transient, the tables will turn, tomorrow is pregnant,” to keep hope alive. But what is transient is access to the individual politician. What is permanent is the structure that determines who gets jobs, contracts and protection.
It is time we demanded the system, not the actor.
The youth must recognise the smokescreen. Politicians “know how to reach over the fence.” They weaponise anger against the other party to prevent scrutiny of the system itself.
The question should not be, “NPP or NDC?” The question should be: Are our roads from Accra to Kumasi and Tamale motorable? Because traversing those roads is no longer safe. It is either a gory accident or highway robbery.
Are our hospitals adequately stocked? Do we have enough beds to end the cliché that is quickly becoming the norm — “no bed syndrome”?
Is the education system producing jobs? Is it safe to train our children, or is the system devolving into chaos while people with deep pockets and power send their wards to private schools?
Is justice applied equally and not selectively? Should it become difficult for the opposition to shout “Unanimous FC,” or will we continue to witness more instances of *nolle prosequi* whenever power changes hands?
As Gaetano Mosca warned, every ruling class rules with the consent of the ruled, secured through formulas and emotions. If we keep fighting for actors, the elite will keep revolving.
Therefore, I submit that we should stop chasing actors and start demanding development, progress, infrastructure, healthcare and quality education. We must insist on institutional reform, not merely a change of faces.
Because power is not transient. It is a revolving door. And until we break the doorframe, we will keep watching the same people walk in and out, while the rest of us queue for many hours for promotional chicken.
By Bright Yao Dzakah, a Media Practitioner.
